St. Paul city attorney declines state charges against 39 protesters who stormed Minnesota church service
Thirty-nine protesters who barged into a Sunday worship service at Cities Church in St. Paul, Minnesota, this past January will not face state criminal charges, even as they stare down federal civil rights counts for the same incident. St. Paul City Attorney Irene Kao announced the decision Wednesday, saying the evidence was "insufficient to meet that standard for criminal charges under Minnesota state statutes."
The move drew immediate condemnation from the church's lead pastor, who warned that the ruling effectively gives any mob a free pass to invade a house of worship, as long as they call it a protest.
The gap between Kao's position and the federal government's tells the real story. Federal prosecutors saw enough to charge all 39 individuals with civil rights violations for interfering with worshipers' First Amendment rights. Among the defendants is independent journalist Don Lemon, who faces charges of conspiracy and interfering with the First Amendment rights of worshipers. Lemon has maintained he was covering the event, not participating in it. Yet the local prosecutor looked at the same set of facts and walked away.
What happened inside Cities Church
Livestreamed video captured the disruption. Protesters entered Cities Church during services and began chanting "ICE out" and "Justice for Renee Good," Just the News reported. The group had learned that one of the church's pastors also served as an official with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and they chose the middle of a worship gathering to make their objections known.
Families and children were inside. The service was shut down. And the whole thing played out on camera for the world to see.
Kao, in her statement, noted that no violence, destruction of property, or threats to public safety occurred during the demonstration, a characterization NBC News also reported. That assessment formed the backbone of her decision not to prosecute.
"This decision should not be interpreted as an endorsement of unlawful behavior or public disorder. The right to peacefully protest is protected, as is the right to exercise one's religious beliefs. Balancing these equally important rights is paramount to our decision today."
Read that again. The city attorney framed an uninvited takeover of a private worship service as a balance between "equally important rights." The protesters' right to demonstrate, in her telling, stood on the same footing as the congregation's right to gather and pray without being shouted down.
The pastor's response
Cities Church lead pastor Jonathan Parnell spoke candidly. He rejected Kao's reasoning outright, pointing to its logical endpoint.
"According to the St. Paul City Attorney's logic, it is perfectly fine for agitators to invade a mosque, a cathedral, or a temple, intimidate the families and children inside, and shut down their religious gathering. Just call it a 'protest.'"
Parnell's point is hard to argue with. If entering a church uninvited, disrupting worship, and intimidating families does not meet the threshold for state charges because nobody threw a punch or broke a window, then the threshold has been set so high that almost no worship disruption would ever qualify. The message to future agitators is clear: pick your target, keep your hands to yourself, and the state of Minnesota will look the other way.
That message has not gone unnoticed by state legislatures elsewhere. Four states have already moved to tighten penalties for worship disruptions in the wake of the Cities Church incident, recognizing that existing statutes may leave congregations without meaningful protection.
Federal charges fill the gap, for now
The federal civil rights charges against all 39 protesters remain in place. The specific charging agency, court, and case number have not been publicly identified in available reporting. But the charges themselves, interfering with the First Amendment rights of worshipers, go directly at the conduct Kao declined to prosecute at the state level.
Don Lemon's involvement has drawn particular attention. The former CNN anchor, now working as an independent journalist, was among those charged. His defense, that he was present as a reporter, not a participant, raises its own questions about what he was doing at a protest that stormed a church, and whether the distinction between covering an event and joining it holds up when you are inside the building with the chanters.
The federal government has shown a willingness to pursue protesters who target institutions and officials. A federal jury recently convicted three Spokane ICE protesters of conspiracy to injure federal agents, signaling that courts are prepared to hold demonstrators accountable when their actions cross the line from speech into interference.
A pattern of selective enforcement
Kao's decision fits a pattern that conservative voters and churchgoers have watched develop for years. Local prosecutors in left-leaning jurisdictions have repeatedly found reasons not to charge conduct that targets institutions or individuals disfavored by progressive politics, while federal authorities or prosecutors in other jurisdictions step in to fill the void.
The dynamic is not limited to protest cases. In Minnesota itself, a Hennepin County prosecutor charged an ICE officer in a Minneapolis shooting, claiming a federal badge offered no immunity, an aggressive posture toward a federal law enforcement officer that stands in sharp contrast to Kao's gentler treatment of civilians who disrupted a worship service.
The contrast is striking. When the target is a federal immigration officer, local prosecutors find the will to charge. When the targets are churchgoers and their families, the same system finds the evidence "insufficient."
Concerns about politically selective prosecution have surfaced in other contexts as well. A DOJ report alleged that the Biden administration used abortion group dossiers to pursue pro-life Christians, raising broader questions about whether the justice system applies its standards evenly when faith communities are involved.
What Kao's standard actually means
Strip away the legal language and Kao's reasoning reduces to a simple formula: no blood, no broken glass, no charges. The emotional harm to worshipers, the violation of sacred space, the chilling effect on every congregation in St. Paul that now knows a mob can walk in and shut them down, none of that factored into the city attorney's calculus.
Kao did not identify which Minnesota state statutes she evaluated. She did not explain what additional evidence would have been necessary to meet the threshold. She offered a general statement about balancing protest rights and religious liberty, as though the two were in genuine tension when one group entered another group's private gathering uninvited and refused to leave.
There is no tension to balance. The protesters had every right to demonstrate on the public sidewalk. They had no right to commandeer someone else's worship service. The First Amendment protects both speech and religious exercise, but it does not give one group the power to override the other's rights inside a private building.
Open questions remain
Several facts remain unclear. The specific date in January when the disruption occurred has not been pinpointed in public reporting. The identity of the church pastor who also served as an ICE official has not been named. The identity or relevance of Renee Good, the person whose name the protesters chanted, has not been explained. And the precise status of the federal charges, including the court and docket, has not been publicly detailed.
Those gaps matter. If the federal case moves forward, the facts that emerge in court filings and testimony will test both Kao's decision and the protesters' claims. If the case stalls or collapses, the protesters will have faced no consequences at any level of government for invading a church and silencing a congregation.
The real cost
The families who were inside Cities Church that January morning did not sign up to become props in someone else's political theater. They came to worship. They brought their children. And they watched as a crowd of strangers took over their service, chanted political slogans, and made clear that the congregation's rights mattered less than the mob's grievance.
Now the city attorney has told them, in effect, that what happened to them does not rise to the level of a crime under state law. The federal government disagrees. The question is whether that disagreement will produce accountability, or just another round of legal maneuvering that leaves the people in the pews with nothing but a lesson in who the system protects and who it doesn't.
When "just call it a protest" becomes a legal defense, the only right that's truly protected is the right to disrupt.






